Poland and Polish People for Georgia Freedom

Poland and Polish People for Georgia Freedom



WARSAW — The bustling streets of downtown Warsaw, increasingly filled with gleaming new automobiles and lined with Western boutique stores, seem a world away from downtown Tbilisi, Georgia’s capital, where jittery residents this month faced the once inconceivable threat of Russian tanks advancing down Rustaveli Avenue in the center of the city.


Poland’s sense of security did not occur overnight. It was a result of nearly two decades of assiduous work to burrow as deeply into Western institutions as possible, leaving behind the Russian sphere and taking what leaders in this largely Roman Catholic country had long argued was its natural place in the West.


Times Topics: Missiles and Missile Defense SystemsAlso setting it apart is the lack of a sizable Russian minority, which so worries officials in Ukraine and other former Soviet republics. Of Poland’s 38.5 million people, 97 percent are ethnically Polish.

In signing the deal on Wednesday to allow American missiles to be based within its borders, Poland is being true to both its tortured past and its present as a new European power. It is allowing the missiles, but on its own terms: the deal says that the United States will also contribute a Patriot missile battery that will be operated by American troops for the time being, binding Poland and the United States in a way that increases both the risk and the cost of confrontation with a newly emboldened Russia.

Poland is not just relying on allies like the United States for its defense. The country is in the process of revamping its military, ending conscription and modernizing its professional army. Among the former Communist nations now integrated into NATO and the European Union, Poland has grown into the role of outspoken advocate for countries like Ukraine and Georgia that are still in Russia’s orbit.

“Poland will be a normal European country when it has normal, democratic, free-market countries on both sides of its border,” said Mr. Sikorski, the foreign minister, adding, “and that includes Russia, by the way.”

In many ways, this assertive country, aided by Western allies and institutions, is a model of what can be achieved with Western support, but also of exactly what Russia does not want Ukraine and Georgia becoming on its southern flank.

Public support for the missile deal was far from universal on the streets of Warsaw. Some residents said the threat was being hyped by leaders for political gain, and others maintained that any steps that might provoke Russia were a mistake.

“It’s the dumbest thing we could have done,” said Slawomir Janak, 72, a retiree. “This decision is going to have its repercussions on Poland for a long time. It might even lead to the third world war.”

But most said it was a necessary step.

“If the Western nations don’t defend such a strategic target as the pipelines in Georgia, why should they defend Poland, which is less strategic?” said Szymon Chlebowski, 22, a student from Gdansk out for a stroll down Warsaw’s grand boulevard, Krakowskie Przedmiescie. “In the perspective of five years, I see a real threat for Poland, starting in the Baltic nations, north to south first, and then Poland, with the same lack of reaction by Western nations.”

“As in the Second World War,” said Joanna Skicka, 22, who was with him. “The story will repeat itself.”

Mr. Chlebowski said he and his friends had started discussing where they would go if Poland were attacked. In a sign of Poland’s orientation to the West, they said they planned to escape to Italy or Spain.
Times Topics: Missiles and Missile Defense SystemsBut the events in the Caucasus, and threats of an attack by a Russian general after the announcement of a deal to place an American missile defense base on Polish soil, have cast a pall of doubt over this country, which, flush and confident, has taken its place in the West, specifically on the side of America, as an ally rather than as a vassal.

As the United States and Poland formally signed the missile defense agreement on Wednesday, over vociferous objections from Moscow, polls in the daily newspaper Dziennik showed public opinion swinging sharply in the last month, from opposition to the missile base to support.

“Before the Georgia invasion, I was against the installation of the missile shield in Poland,” said Julian Damentko, 26, a student out for a walk in Saski Park here earlier this week. “But now, after the events there, I feel threatened from the East, and I don’t regret the decision.”

Poland, where the Solidarity trade union hammered the first cracks into the old Soviet bloc, has been feeling its strength as a leader of the New Europe of former Soviet-sphere states. But since the Georgia crisis, this largest of post-Communist European Union members has moved to cement its relationship to action-oriented America and not just the tentative bureaucracies of Europe and NATO.

The Russian invasion reminded Poles once again how quickly and dangerously Eastern Europe can divide. Poland is struggling to show that it will not fall behind the faint old lines of the cold war, which may have seemed foggily forgotten in the West since the Berlin Wall fell but are remembered all too well here.

On newsstands, the cover of the mainstream, right-leaning weekly magazine Wprost features an illustration of Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s prime minister, with an instantly recognizable little mustache and sweep of hair across the forehead that make the headline, “Adolf Putin,” redundant. The Polish edition of Newsweek shows the outspoken and at times impolitic Polish president, Lech Kaczynski, in the pilot’s seat of an airplane cockpit under the headline, “You have to be tough with Russia.”

Radek Sikorski, Poland’s foreign minister and the government’s point man on missile defense, said in an interview this week, “Parchments and treaties are all very well, but we have a history in Poland of fighting alone and being left to our own devices by our allies.”

It is not a cold war mindset that drives Poland, Mr. Sikorski said, but one that harks all the way back to World War II, when, despite alliances with Britain and France, Poland fought Nazi Germany alone, and lost.

It was “the defining moment for us in the 20th century,” Mr. Sikorski said. “Then we were stabbed in the back by the Soviet Union, and that determined our fate for 50 years.”

As a result, Poland’s foreign policy is stamped by mistrust not only for Russia’s ambitions but also for hollow assurances from its own allies. Georgia’s lonely fight against an overwhelming Russian military served as an object lesson — a refresher that people here said no one needed — on the limits of waiting for help from friends.

“We’re determined this time around to have alliances backed by realities, backed by capabilities,” said Mr. Sikorski, pointing out that all Poland has now in terms of NATO infrastructure is one unfinished conference center.

This kind of strategic thinking was supposed to be on the way out. It was just last December when Poles celebrated the removal of all border checkpoints with Germany and other European neighbors, a powerful symbol of the country’s full membership in the Western club.

The economy has been churning out new jobs and higher wages, allowing Poles to enjoy a standard of living that, though not up to French or German standards yet, is far beyond what everyday people could have imagined in Communist times.

In Warsaw, there remains a sense of remove, if no longer complete security.

“There is a certain climate of safety, that we are already long admitted in the Atlantic alliance, that we proved to be a good member, a good ally,” said Marek Ostrowski, the foreign editor of Polityka, a mainstream weekly news magazine. He said there was a feeling among Poles that “the summer is nice and finally people don’t feel threatened.”
Letter from Frank J. Spula, the President of the Polish American Congress regarding Russia's Threats to Poland


August 18, 2008

Dear President Bush:

As President of the Polish American Congress I am writing to offer my
support for you in the event the need arises for you to support Poland
concerning a statement made last week by a top Russian general, shortly
after he learned of the completion of the United States – Poland agreement
of last Thursday for the deployment in Poland of a missile interceptor base
as part of a defensive system designed for blocking attacks by rogue
nations.

On Friday, August 8, 2008 Deputy Chief of Staff, Russian General Anatoly
Nogovitsyn stated: “Poland, by deploying (the system) is exposing itself to
a strike – 100 percent”. This remark is abhorrent to Poles and Polish
Americans. It connotes the image of past Czarist and Soviet regimes which
promoted invasion, murder, fear, Siberian hard-labor camps, and
war-terrorism which people living in contiguous states from the Baltic to
the Danube and thence to the Black Sea and Caspian Sea fought against for
centuries. It is apparent that history has a tendency to repeat itself when
it comes to the Russian Federation of our 21st century.

Poland has always been a friend of the United States, dating its friendship
to the Revolutionary War, when courageous Polish men of principle and honor
such as Generals Thaddeus Kosciusko and Casimir Pulaski heroically defended
our emerging democracy against British imperialism.

Consequently, it is the hope and expectation of Polish Americans that the
United States will not only sustain its full political and diplomatic
influence for building a world-wide consensus for condemning Russia’s
unprincipled inordinate attack on Georgia, and equally as well for
condemning Russia’s reckless and menacing threat to attack and destroy
Poland, but also if necessary, to deploy American military forces if needed,
to protect the freedom and democracy that Poland has fought so long to
establish and retain.

On behalf of the Polish American Congress representing more than ten million
Americans of Polish descent, I want you to know that I sincerely appreciate
your efforts relating to these current developments and thank you for your
support of Poland, one of America’s most loyal and trusted allies and
friends.

Respectfully,

Frank J. Spula
President

Polish American Congress
1612 K Street, N.W. Suite 410
Washington, D.C. 20006
Tel: (202) 296-6955
Fax: (202) 835-1565
Web: www.polamcon.org

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Lech Kaczyński - President of the Republic of Poland help to Georgia.

Lech Kaczyński - President of the Republic of Poland help to Georgia.
Tribute to Georgians : " For your freedom and ours "












Tribute to Georgians in Polish Service



Lech Kaczyński - President of the Republic of Poland




Born in Warsaw in 1949. Studied law at Warsaw University. In 1971, he moved to Sopot to work as a scholar at the University of Gdańsk. In 1980 he took a doctor’s degree in labor law, and in 1990 he was awarded a post-doctoral degree.

In 1977, he began to work for the Interventions Office of the Worker Defense Committee. A year later be became involved in the activity of Independent Trade Unions. In August 1980 he was nominated as an adviser of the Gdańsk Inter-plant Strike Committee. He was also a delegate to the First National Congress of the „Solidarność” Trade Union. Interned during the martial law. When released from internment, he returned to trade union activities. He was a member of the underground Solidarity authorities.

In December 1988, became a member of the Civic Committee with Lech Wałęsa. He took part in the Round Table Talks in the team focused on trade union pluralism. In 1990, he was nominated as the Union’s first deputy chairman involved in the running of the Solidarity Trade Union. He was elected senator in the June 1989 election, and two years later a parliamentary deputy representing the Center Civic Alliance Party. In 1991, he was appointed as the head of the National Security Office at the President’s Chancellery. A year later, in1992, he was nominated as the president of the Supreme Chamber of Control (NIK) and he continued to hold that office until 1995.

In June 2000, Lech Kaczyński was nominated as the Minister of Justice by Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek. He soon became the most popular member of the cabinet.

In April 2001, he was elected as the head the National Committee of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) to be elected the party’s president in spring 2001. After the September 2001 parliamentary election he returned to the parliament as the party’s deputy. In autumn 2002 he was elected Warsaw’s mayor with a big advantage over his opponents. He started his term in office by declaring a war against corruption – the so-called „Warsaw connections” - and by restoring law and order. In March 2005 he officially declared his intention to run as a presidential candidate.

Elected President of the Republic of Poland on October 23, he assumed the office on December 23, 2005 by taking an oath before the National Assembly.

Lech Kaczyński’s wife, Maria, is an economist. His daughter Marta graduated from the Department of Law at Gdańsk University. She is married to Piotr, and in 2003 she gave birth to her daughter, Ewa.
Mr. and Mrs. Kaczyński are fond of animals. They have two dogs and two cats.
Vilayat Guliyev: “Cooperation with Poland opens up opportunities for Azerbaijan to establish closer partnership with such international organizations as UN, EU and NATO”

Maria Kaczyńska, wife of the President of the Republic of Poland, comes from a patriotic Polish family from the Vilnius region in Lithuania. Her mother, Lidia Mackiewicz, was a teacher; her father, Czesław Mackiewicz, was a specialist in forestry. The family settled within the present Polish borders after the Second World War. During the war her father was taking part in guerrilla warfare against the German forces occupying the Vilnius region; one of his brothers fought at Monte Cassino in Italy as a soldier of the Polish Corps of General Władysław Anders. The second brother, an officer of the Polish Army, was killed at Katyń Forest.

Maria Kaczyńska attended primary and secondary schools in Rabka Zdrój in southern Poland. She graduated from the Department of Maritime Transport of the Higher School of Economics (now the University of Gdańsk) in Sopot on the Baltic coast. After receiving her diploma she worked at the Maritime Institute in Gdańsk, where she conducted research into the developmental perspectives of maritime freight markets in the Far East.

In 1978 she married Lech Kaczyński, at that time an assistant research fellow at the Faculty of Law of Gdańsk University, an activist of the democratic anti-Communist opposition in Poland. In June 1980 she gave birth to her daughter, Marta, and shortly afterwards, in August 1980, widespread labour strikes broke out in Gdańsk and other Polish cities; the "Solidarity" trade union movement was established. When the Communist authorities cracked down on "Solidarity" and introduced martial law in Poland in 1981, her husband was interned for almost a year; after his release he was active in the underground "Solidarity" movement. At that time Maria Kaczyńska was on maternity leave; finally she decided not to return to work at the Maritime Institute. She engaged in tutoring and worked as a freelance translator from English and French; at the same time she was bringing up her daughter and helping her husband in his fight against the Communist regime in Poland.

After the fall of the Communist regime, during the period of political transformation of the country, when her husband held several important public offices, Maria Kaczyńska always supported charitable and cultural initiatives, especially when Lech Kaczyński was Mayor of Warsaw in 2002-2005. When she became the First Lady of Poland in 2005, her public activities took on a new dimension. As First Lady she co-operates with Polish and foreign non-governmental organizations focusing on social, medical and humanitarian issues. She participates in charity projects, using her position to help impoverished and handicapped persons, notably children with health problems and disabilities. She supports initiatives enriching Polish cultural life, acting in concert with artistic and intellectual circles. She is committed to promote her country abroad and to strengthen the positive image of democratic Poland in the world. She sometimes acts as Special Envoy of the President, representing her husband at official functions in various countries. She is involved in the international promotion of Polish cultural heritage.

Maria Kaczyńska takes an interest in literature and art; she loves music, ballet and the theatre. She likes travelling, which gives her an opportunity to gain an insight into the lives and traditions of other countries. She values both family life and social life. She enjoys spending her time with her three-year-old granddaughter Ewa. She speaks English and French and possesses some knowledge of Spanish and Russian.

The First Lady admits to having a strong personality. Her pleasant manner, cheerfulness and a fine sense of humour have won her a lot of friends; she is always open to new ideas. In matters of dress and personal adornments she prefers restrained, classical style.

Both the President and the First Lady love animals; they own two dogs and two cats.

PRESIDENTIAL PALACE
00-071 Warszawa, Krakowskie Przedmiescie 48/50
Tel. (+48) (022) 695-29-00



CHANCELLERY OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND
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[ 01 Aug 2008 16:12 ]
President of Poland will also participate in the 4th Energy Summit in Baku in November this year

Baku. Lachin Sultanova – APA. Azerbaijan’s ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to Poland Vilayat Guliyev interviewed by APA

-Foreign Minister of Poland called Azerbaijan one of the ten priority countries. This is perhaps in terms of energy security of Poland. And what does cooperation with Poland promises Azerbaijan?

-Azerbaijan is in the focus of attention of the European Union with its important geostrategic position, rich natural resources, leading position in the region and dynamic development. It is undeniable that Poland is one of EU members, which take especially great interest in our country. It was underlined several times that Azerbaijan-Poland relations rose to the stage of strategic partnership both on the level of president and foreign minister and political-economic relations with Azerbaijan were priority for Poland. Of course, both energy security of Europe and Azerbaijan’s becoming an important transit country play important role here. It should also be mentioned that Azerbaijan, which already has broad financial opportunities, can implement important economic projects along with Poland and make investments in the country’s economy in the near future. In this respect it is possible to predict that interest of Poland and other countries of Eastern European bloc in Azerbaijan will increase gradually. Cooperation with Poland opens up opportunities for Azerbaijan to establish closer partnership with such international organizations as UN, EU and NATO. The support for the right position of our country and adoption of the statement condemning Armenia’s aggressive policy in the UN discussions on Nagorno Karabakh in March this year was possible thanks to the active position of such EU members as Poland, Romania and Baltic states. In May this year Poland and Sweden offered to simplify visa regime and strengthen the relations with such post-Soviet countries as Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Another important indicator is the expansion of Poland’s relations with GUAM. Polish President Lech Kaczyński’s statement during the bilateral meetings in Paris, within the framework of EU-Mediterranean countries summit supporting Azerbaijan’s position may be assessed as another answer to the question what Poland can do for our country. I think that there is enough unused potential both in political and economic spheres and the atmosphere of mutual confidence, sincere and business relations between the presidents of the two countries will raise Azerbaijan-Poland relations to a higher level.

-In the first half of 2008 Azerbaijan-Poland relations were very dynamic in terms of high-level mutual visits. Will this rate continue till the end of the year?

In February this year President Ilham Aliyev paid the second official visit to Poland within the past three years. The heads of states had productive talks, important documents were signed during the visit. In April-June Azerbaijan’s Ministers of Foreign Affairs, National Security and Interior Affairs visited Poland. Chairman of Polish Senate participated in the 90th jubilee of Azerbaijani Parliament, First Lady of Poland came to Baku to attend the international conference “The role of women in cross-cultural dialogue” in June. The third meeting of Azerbaijan-Poland intergovernmental economic commission is planned to take place in September-October in Warsaw. Polish president will also attend the 4th Energy Summit in Baku in November. You see both sides are interested in preserving tempo and dynamics of the relations.


-On what stage is the establishment of Sarmatiya-2 Company? Is it possible to say that the energy summit planned to be held in Baku in November will make contributions to this issue?

-As these issues are still on the stage of preparation, I would not like to make predictions that can surpass the developments and opinions of experts. Suffice it to say that after the 1st Energy Summit chaired by Azerbaijani President in Krakow in May 2007 the interest in the idea of delivering Caspian’s energy resources to Europe by alternative ways aroused and the European Union has taken interest in this project more seriously. The increase of the number of participants in the following summits is the display of this interest. During Ukrainian President’s visit to Baku Azerbaijan once more demonstrated that its position on the idea of new oil pipeline is unchangeable. Taking all this into account we can say that a number of important decisions will be made during Baku summit in November.

-Poland has held two national exhibitions in Baku up to now. How have these exhibitions influenced the bilateral economic relations?

-Undoubtedly, each exhibition is the important indicator of a country’s economic opportunities and potential. On the other hand, such exhibitions offer opportunities to the producers and exporters to establish closer and direct relations. In this respect, Polish exhibitions held in Baku have made influence on the economic cooperation and increase of trade turnover between the two countries. I regret that our consumers have not paid enough attention to Poland’s food industry meeting high ecological requirements or light industry with high-quality and relatively cheap products. Besides, Azerbaijan is more known in Poland as a country of oil and gas and this casts shadow on the opportunities of cooperation in other spheres. Transport-related problems also pose some obstacles in the intensive implementation of economic relations.

-Does Azerbaijan also plan to hold similar exhibitions demonstrating its economic opportunities in Poland?

The next meeting of Azerbaijan-Poland Intergovernmental Commission will be held in Warsaw in October-September of the current year. Within the framework of that event, Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Economic Development plans to demonstrate an exhibition reflecting the development of various spheres of the country’s economy over the last couple of years. Besides, Poland attaches great significance to the activity of this commission. Polish Deputy Prime Minister Pavlak has recently been appointed the chairman of the joint economic commission.

-What projects are implemented in the humanitarian field? Are you satisfied with the research and development works carried out in Polish archives in regard to Azerbaijan at the beginning of the twentieth century?

Considerable progresses have been made in this field since the Embassy was opened in Poland. Close relations have been established between Baku Slavic University and Warsaw and Poznan universities. Rector of Baku Slavic University, Professor Kamal Abdulla has twice been to Poland in this respect. The Polish delegation led by Rector of Warsaw University visited Baku in May, conducted meetings at Baku Slavic University and other higher institutions and discussed the ways of mutual cooperation. Azerbaijani language is taught at Warsaw University at present. Research and development works in Polish archives in regard to Azerbaijan at the beginning of the twentieth century are possible to be carried out individually. We also do our best to help our historians and philologists in this work within the bounds of possibility. For instance, our Embassy had considerable services in finding out Nasiman Yagublu’s monography devoted to Azerbaijan-Poland relations in twenties-thirties of the last century. We are also going to publish M. A. Rasulzadeh’s book “Azerbaijan in struggle for independence” translated into Polish in Warsaw in 1938. We will make every possible endeavor to continue this work henceforth.

-What historical points have been reflected in the book dedicated to Azerbaijan People’s Republic published by you?

My book entitled “Azerbaijan in Paris Peace Conference” have been published in Baku this year. In April, 1919, the Azerbaijani delegation led by the Parliament’s Chairman A. Topchubashov paid a visit to Paris and published a number of booklets and brochures in English and French for the purpose of closely introducing their state to the European community and representatives of political circles. I’ve translated one of those books from English and published. I’ve always interested in the history of our first republic and I continue my research and development works in Polish archives in my spare times.

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Polish American
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Hundreds of US soldiers join Polish pilgrimage to Czestochowa Poland

Hundreds of US soldiers join Polish pilgrimage to Czestochowa Poland
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna







Hundreds of US soldiers join Polish pilgrimage
By VANESSA GERA – 17 hours ago

WARSAW, Poland (AP) — Hundreds of soldiers in camouflage set off Tuesday on a 10-day march to Poland's holiest Roman Catholic shrine — among them five Americans hoping to deepen ties with an ally.

Five members of the Illinois National Guard traveled to Poland to make the 180-mile (290-kilometer) trek on foot — alongside Poles, Germans and other Europeans — from Warsaw to Czestochowa, site of the revered Black Madonna icon.

Though the 300-year-old pilgrimage has deep religious and patriotic resonance in mainly Catholic Poland, the main purpose of the U.S. contingent, a tradition that has started in recent years, is to show solidarity with Poland — an ally in Iraq and Afghanistan — and other nations.

It's a chance "to come together and share a little bit, and hopefully develop closer bonds with foreign militaries in a non-combat type setting," said Master Sgt. Roman Waldron, 37, from Springfield, Illinois.

Before embarking on the pilgrimage, the pilgrims attended an early morning Mass at the Field Cathedral of the Polish Army, where a priest blessed them with holy water. They were also told to set a moral example and refrain from drinking or smoking during the march.

The Black Madonna — which legend says was painted by St. Luke — was brought to the Jasna Gora monastery in Czestochowa in 1384.

Many miracles have been attributed to the painting, including a 1655 siege during which 70 monks and 180 supporters held off nearly 4,000 soldiers from the Protestant Swedish army and inspired Poles to rise up and throw out the invaders.

Sgt. 1st Class Evan Young, from Rock Island, Illinois, believes the pilgrimage is going to be even more meaningful than he had first imagined.

"Originally when I was given the opportunity I thought it would be kind of a neat way to see Poland, but then I started doing research on the Black Madonna and the siege and I thought it's part of a much bigger thing," said Young, a 45-year-old who grew up Episcopalian.

"It's pretty neat to be taking part in this, and help improve relations with Poland and other countries that are here," he said.

Only one of the five American soldiers is a Catholic. They will sleep in eight-man tents set up along the route by the Polish army.

The soldiers were trailed by thousands of students and other pilgrims in Warsaw, and will eventually join up with thousands more expected to converge on Czestochowa next week, ahead of the August 15 Catholic holy day marking the Assumption of Mary.

Warsaw Archbishop Kazimierz Nycz walked briefly with the group Tuesday.

"This builds brotherhood among soldiers from different countries," he said.

Warszawa Warsaw Poland World War II The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944

Warszawa Warsaw Poland World War II The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944
1939 - 1945




The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944 Background: By summer 1944, as the Red Army was advancing from the east, the German occupying forces were perceived to be on the defensive in Poland. The Soviets were encouraging the Polish Home Army, directed by the Polish Government-in-Exile in London, to wrest Warsaw from German control; the Germans at that point had a comparatively small military presence in the Polish capital.
But troubling to the Polish partisans was that as the Soviets "liberated" eastern Poland, they left in their wake a pro-Communist civil authority, exemplified by the Lublin Committee in Lublin. Hoping to establish a non-Communist post-war government in Poland, the decision was made for the Polish Home Army to attack the Germans in Warsaw in advance of the Red Army, with the understanding that Soviet reinforcements would be available if needed. Indeed, the Red Army entered the Warsaw suburb of Praga, across the Vistula River, late in July, 1944.
The Uprising: On August 1, the Polish Home Army General Bor-Komorovski, with a force of between thirty-five and fifty thousand partisans, attacked the Germans in Warsaw. Joined in the fight by the city's Polish population, they took control of most of the city by August 4. But the Germans sent reinforcements: S.S. police units, a brigade of Russian ex-prisoners, and a brigade of ex-convicts, all of whom Hitler had previously ordered removed from the front because of their excessive brutality. The Polish forces became fragmented and isolated. The Germans pursued the cut-off fighters into the city's refuges--burned out buildings, and sewers--where virtually all the Polish forces perished.
During the sixty-three days of fighting the Red Army, encamped within sight across the Vistula, never attempted assistance. The Soviets refused permission to the Americans and British to use their airfields to drop ammunition and relief supplies. In September, when a German victory seemed certain, the Russians allowed a small amount of ammunition to be dropped in, but it was useless: it was made for Soviet armaments and did not fit the Poles' weapons.
When hostilities ceased, eighty-five percent of the city was razed, and the Polish Home Army annihilated . The Germans deported the remaining population. When the Germans were eventually defeated there were no forces left to oppose Soviet political domination in Poland.
Sources:
The Rand McNally Encyclopedia of World War II, General Editor, John Keegan, Rand McNally, New York: 1977
The Simon and Schuster Encyclopedia of World War II, Edited by Thomas Parrish, Brig. Gen. S.L.A. Marshall, chief Consultant Editor, Simon and Schuster, New York: 1978
The Marshall Cavendish Illustrated Encyclopedia of World War II, Volume 13, Brigadier General Jame L.Collins,Jr., Consultant Editor, Marshall Cavendish Corporation, New York: 1972
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